Friday, October 30, 2009
Hinda Ka Nagiisa - A Tribute to Noynoy Aquino
Congratulations to Ogie Alcasid who wrote a wonderful song, to Regine Velasquez for singing it beautifully, to Kris Aquino and Boy Abunda for producing this video with love, to the stellar cast that made it shine. And finally and most importantly, kudos to Sen. Noynoy Aquino for providing the inspiration!
The quote that accompanies this video says it all:
A love offering to Senator Noynoy Aquino from entertainment and advertising professionals
Agency: MAD888
Director: Onat Diaz
LP: Red Romero
ECD: Nonon del Carmen
CD: Connie Lazaro
DOP: Shayne Sarte
PD: Ben Padero
AD: Juno Gallardo, Tonipet Gaba
Tuesday, October 27, 2009
PRESS STATEMENT FROM THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF SENATOR BENIGNO "NOYNOY" S. AQUINO III
This is to refute the malicious allegations raised in an article entitled "Noynoy's Dark Secret" written by Alfred Dalizon and published in the October 26, 2009 edition of the People's Journal.
This is an old story and it is unfortunate that Mr. Dalizon's article got the facts completely wrong. A certain "Charlotte Marie Datiles" indeed died during the August 28, 1987 coup d'etat. She was not the girlfriend of Senator Benigno "Noynoy" S. Aquino III nor was she in the same car as the senator.
According to Ramon Tulfo in his September 9, 1987 column "On Target" that appeared in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, she was the 19-year-old girlfriend of a certain Lt. Teodoro Sanchez, an undercover operative of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Tulfo wrote: "Sanchez and Datiles and another ISAFP agent were passing by Malacañang aboard a car during the attack on the palace. They came from a mission following up a lead in the slaying of Local Government Secretary Jaime Ferrer. Sanchez’s car was sandwiched between the Palace guards and the rebels firing at each other."
A copy of the said article is attached. While we all expect evil propaganda of this nature to continue as the election nears, we have no doubt that truth will prevail in the end. We must not be distracted in the campaign to fight for what is right. The Filipino people deserve nothing less. Our call remains: "Tanggalin ang tiwali, itama ang mali!"
Sincerely,
Florencio "Butch" Abad
Campaign Manager
On Target by Mon Tulfo
"Palace Guards shot Noynoy?"
September 9, 1987
There's a new twist to the ambush of presidential son Noynoy Aquino and his bodyguards outside the Malacañang gates in the early morning of Aug. 28.
Our sources in the intelligence community say some members of the Presidential Security Group (PSG), not rebel soldiers, fired on Noynoy and his bodyguard. It was either a mistake encouner or a deliberate act.
If it was the latter case, then renegade Col. Gringo Honasan is telling the truth about some PSG elements. Honasan, in a taped message aired over dzRH radio, said many PSG members empathized with the rebels' cause.
* * *
On the other hand, if PSG soldiers mistook Noynoy andhis bodyguards for enemies, then something's wrong with the security setup at the Palace. It was like a trained dog biting its master, which it mistook for a burglar.
* * *
We give credence to the claim that PSG soldiers fired on Noynoy and his party.
Remember Noynoy's conference with newsmen the day after he survived the ambush?
In that news conference, Noynoy said he saw soldiers positioned on the street bend near the St. Jude's church, a stone's throw away from Gate 4 of Malacañang.
And take note of his succeeding statement: The soldiers were ..ing prone in an ambush position on both sides of the road facing Sta. Mesa rotunda instead of the Palace.
* * *
The rebels came from Sta. Mesa rotunda or were in Sta. Mesa rotunda when they attacked Malacañang.
Following Noynoy's statement that the soldiers he saw were facing Sta. Mesa rotunda instead of Malacañang, then the soldiers who shot him and his bodyguards were Palace guards.
If they were rebel soldiers, they would naturally have been facing Malacañang because that was the object of their attack.
* * *
Lt. Teodoro Sanchez, an undercover operative of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces (ISAFP), and his girlfriend Charlotte Marie Datiles, a 19-year-old Maryknoll student, were at the wrong place at the wrong time Aug. 28.
Sanchez and Datiles and another ISAFP agent were passing by Malacañang aboard a car during the attack on the Palace. They came from a mission following up a lead in the slaying of Local Government Jaime Ferrer.
Sanchez's car was sandwiched between the Palace guards and the rebels firing at each other.
Datiles died on the spot. Sanchez is still fighting for his life.
This is an old story and it is unfortunate that Mr. Dalizon's article got the facts completely wrong. A certain "Charlotte Marie Datiles" indeed died during the August 28, 1987 coup d'etat. She was not the girlfriend of Senator Benigno "Noynoy" S. Aquino III nor was she in the same car as the senator.
According to Ramon Tulfo in his September 9, 1987 column "On Target" that appeared in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, she was the 19-year-old girlfriend of a certain Lt. Teodoro Sanchez, an undercover operative of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Tulfo wrote: "Sanchez and Datiles and another ISAFP agent were passing by Malacañang aboard a car during the attack on the palace. They came from a mission following up a lead in the slaying of Local Government Secretary Jaime Ferrer. Sanchez’s car was sandwiched between the Palace guards and the rebels firing at each other."
A copy of the said article is attached. While we all expect evil propaganda of this nature to continue as the election nears, we have no doubt that truth will prevail in the end. We must not be distracted in the campaign to fight for what is right. The Filipino people deserve nothing less. Our call remains: "Tanggalin ang tiwali, itama ang mali!"
Sincerely,
Florencio "Butch" Abad
Campaign Manager
On Target by Mon Tulfo
"Palace Guards shot Noynoy?"
September 9, 1987
There's a new twist to the ambush of presidential son Noynoy Aquino and his bodyguards outside the Malacañang gates in the early morning of Aug. 28.
Our sources in the intelligence community say some members of the Presidential Security Group (PSG), not rebel soldiers, fired on Noynoy and his bodyguard. It was either a mistake encouner or a deliberate act.
If it was the latter case, then renegade Col. Gringo Honasan is telling the truth about some PSG elements. Honasan, in a taped message aired over dzRH radio, said many PSG members empathized with the rebels' cause.
* * *
On the other hand, if PSG soldiers mistook Noynoy andhis bodyguards for enemies, then something's wrong with the security setup at the Palace. It was like a trained dog biting its master, which it mistook for a burglar.
* * *
We give credence to the claim that PSG soldiers fired on Noynoy and his party.
Remember Noynoy's conference with newsmen the day after he survived the ambush?
In that news conference, Noynoy said he saw soldiers positioned on the street bend near the St. Jude's church, a stone's throw away from Gate 4 of Malacañang.
And take note of his succeeding statement: The soldiers were ..ing prone in an ambush position on both sides of the road facing Sta. Mesa rotunda instead of the Palace.
* * *
The rebels came from Sta. Mesa rotunda or were in Sta. Mesa rotunda when they attacked Malacañang.
Following Noynoy's statement that the soldiers he saw were facing Sta. Mesa rotunda instead of Malacañang, then the soldiers who shot him and his bodyguards were Palace guards.
If they were rebel soldiers, they would naturally have been facing Malacañang because that was the object of their attack.
* * *
Lt. Teodoro Sanchez, an undercover operative of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces (ISAFP), and his girlfriend Charlotte Marie Datiles, a 19-year-old Maryknoll student, were at the wrong place at the wrong time Aug. 28.
Sanchez and Datiles and another ISAFP agent were passing by Malacañang aboard a car during the attack on the Palace. They came from a mission following up a lead in the slaying of Local Government Jaime Ferrer.
Sanchez's car was sandwiched between the Palace guards and the rebels firing at each other.
Datiles died on the spot. Sanchez is still fighting for his life.
Thursday, October 15, 2009
Noynoy Aquino Tops Latest SWS Survey
The Black & White Movement fully supports the intentions of Noynoy Aquino to run for President and Mar Roxas to run for Vice President in the May 2010 national elections. We laud their lead in the polls, and pray that good news like this serves as inspiration for their supporters to continue to work hard for their victory.
Here is the SWS Survey as it appears in its website.
14 October 2009
Third Quarter 2009 Social Weather Survey: Noynoy Aquino and Manny Villar top the people's "three best leaders to succeed PGMA in 2010"
Social Weather Stations
Senator Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III took the top spot in the people's three best successors to President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2010, according to the Third Quarter 2009 Social Weather Survey, fielded over September 18-21, 2009.
Sixty percent gave Sen. Aquino's name in response to the question, "Sa ilalim ng kasalukuyang Konstitusyon, ang termino ni Pang. Arroyo ay hanggang sa taong 2010 lamang at magkakaroon ng halalan para sa pagka-pangulo sa Mayo 2010. Sinu-sino sa palagay ninyo ang mga magagaling na lider na dapat pumalit kay Pang. Arroyo bilang Presidente? Maaari po kayong magbanggit ng hanggang tatlong sagot." [Under the present Constitution, the term of Pres. Arroyo is up to 2010 only, and there will be an election for a new President in May 2010. Who do you think are good leaders who should succeed Pres. Arroyo as President? You may give up to three names].
The next most popular successor was Sen. Manny Villar, who was mentioned by 37%.
Aquino and Villar were followed by former Pres. Joseph Estrada at 18%, Sen. Francis Escudero at 15%, and Sen. Mar Roxas at 12%.
The survey found Vice-Pres. Noli De Castro mentioned by 8%, Sen. Loren Legarda by 5%, Defense Sec. Gilberto Teodoro by 4%, Sen. Panfilo Lacson by 2%, and Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay by 2%.
At 1 percent each were MMDA Chairperson Bayani Fernando and Brother Eddie Villanueva.
Six percent could not give an answer, and 4% had no one to recommend.
No list of names was provided to prompt the respondents.
The question wording has been exactly the same in ten surveys since September 2007, with results shown in Table 1.
Survey Background
The Third Quarter of 2009 Social Weather Survey was conducted from September 18-21, 2009, with a sample size of 1,800 adults, for an error margin of ±2.3%.
The surveys of September and December 2007, March and June 2008, and February 2009 had sample sizes of 1,200 adults, for error margins of ±3%. The September 2008, December 2008, and June 2009 surveys had sample sizes of 1,500 adults, for error margins of ±2.5%. The May 2009 survey had a sample size of 7,000 registered voters, for an error margin of ±1.2%.
All surveys were conducted using face-to-face interviews.
Except for the May 2009 survey, all the surveys cited in this release were non-commissioned; they were done on SWS's own initiative as a public service, with first printing rights assigned to BusinessWorld.
All the findings from the earlier surveys have been previously released by SWS.
Here is the SWS Survey as it appears in its website.
14 October 2009
Third Quarter 2009 Social Weather Survey: Noynoy Aquino and Manny Villar top the people's "three best leaders to succeed PGMA in 2010"
Social Weather Stations
Senator Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III took the top spot in the people's three best successors to President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2010, according to the Third Quarter 2009 Social Weather Survey, fielded over September 18-21, 2009.
Sixty percent gave Sen. Aquino's name in response to the question, "Sa ilalim ng kasalukuyang Konstitusyon, ang termino ni Pang. Arroyo ay hanggang sa taong 2010 lamang at magkakaroon ng halalan para sa pagka-pangulo sa Mayo 2010. Sinu-sino sa palagay ninyo ang mga magagaling na lider na dapat pumalit kay Pang. Arroyo bilang Presidente? Maaari po kayong magbanggit ng hanggang tatlong sagot." [Under the present Constitution, the term of Pres. Arroyo is up to 2010 only, and there will be an election for a new President in May 2010. Who do you think are good leaders who should succeed Pres. Arroyo as President? You may give up to three names].
The next most popular successor was Sen. Manny Villar, who was mentioned by 37%.
Aquino and Villar were followed by former Pres. Joseph Estrada at 18%, Sen. Francis Escudero at 15%, and Sen. Mar Roxas at 12%.
The survey found Vice-Pres. Noli De Castro mentioned by 8%, Sen. Loren Legarda by 5%, Defense Sec. Gilberto Teodoro by 4%, Sen. Panfilo Lacson by 2%, and Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay by 2%.
At 1 percent each were MMDA Chairperson Bayani Fernando and Brother Eddie Villanueva.
Six percent could not give an answer, and 4% had no one to recommend.
No list of names was provided to prompt the respondents.
The question wording has been exactly the same in ten surveys since September 2007, with results shown in Table 1.
Survey Background
The Third Quarter of 2009 Social Weather Survey was conducted from September 18-21, 2009, with a sample size of 1,800 adults, for an error margin of ±2.3%.
The surveys of September and December 2007, March and June 2008, and February 2009 had sample sizes of 1,200 adults, for error margins of ±3%. The September 2008, December 2008, and June 2009 surveys had sample sizes of 1,500 adults, for error margins of ±2.5%. The May 2009 survey had a sample size of 7,000 registered voters, for an error margin of ±1.2%.
All surveys were conducted using face-to-face interviews.
Except for the May 2009 survey, all the surveys cited in this release were non-commissioned; they were done on SWS's own initiative as a public service, with first printing rights assigned to BusinessWorld.
All the findings from the earlier surveys have been previously released by SWS.
Thursday, September 17, 2009

Dear Friends,
The reform movement calling itself PiNOY POWER will stage an inaugural concert on September 21, 2009 at the Theater of the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City.
The General Admission for the Orchestra and Loge of the UP Theater for the concert will be on an "ambagan" basis... just contribute what you can.. this is on a first come first served basis...
The Balcony Section is the only Reserved Section in the Theater for those that are giving a MINIMUM contribution of P2,500 per seat. There are limited seats and as of now there are only about 100 seats left available. Please send an email to JJ Soriano (jjsoriano@project.com.ph) so he can reserve tickets for you.
Welcoming and inciting another colossal change in the Philippine national life, PiNOY POWER presents a line-up of artists who can guarantee the high voltage experience that replicates the sentiment sweeping the country: an electric feeling of renewed optimism in our political process.
Aside from the Apo, the concert will feature Aiza Seguerra, Bayang Barrios, Drae Ybañez, Duster, Isay Alvarez, Juana Change, Leah Navarro, Nicole & Carlo, Noel Cabangon, Paraluman, Philippine All Stars, and The Dawn. PiNOY POWER says the concert atmosphere will be charged, the artists will be spirited, and there will be magic in the air.
Attending the event, they let on, is the man of the hour, Noynoy Aquino, who now carries forward their reinvigorated aspirations for emancipation from a corrupt, toxic political life.
PiNOY POWER is setting in motion a cutting-edge kind of organization. Like the concert, which asks no entrance fee for the General Admission Section beyond what the individual can donate in cash at the gate, PiNOY POWER will be inclusive, open to creative inputs from all Filipinos, and intent on having fun while waging a revolution.
That laughing, smiling, and very imaginative revolution begins when the gate opens at 5:30 p.m., and the show starts at 7 p.m.
Tuesday, September 01, 2009
MAR ROXAS – A TRUE SERVANT LEADER
Since 2005 the Filipino people have seen too many leaders excuse ambition on the basis of pragmatism. We have had leaders who turned their backs on idealism on the pretext that there is only one way to gain and hold on to power. However, since then, our people have yearned for leaders prepared to sacrifice ambition to answer the call of duty, who listen to public opinion as an alternative to confusing or buying the electorate.
Senator Manuel Roxas II could not have said it better – country above self. The Black and White Movement salutes Senator Roxas for his statesmanship and selflessness. Senator Mar has demonstrated tonight that his ultimate objective is to be a servant leader by being prepared to follow even at the cost of his campaign to lead the country. We have not seen a leader sacrifice his or her political interests in this manner since Cory Aquino in 1985. This is a reminder for all of us that when country comes first, all other decisions and considerations easily follow.
“I can only imagine how agonizing it must have been for Senator Mar to make this difficult decision. He is blessed with a great sense of nation above self. I sincerely admire him and believe that the Filipino people feel the same way”, says lead convener Enteng Romano.
We are proud to count members of the Black and White Movement Council among the many men and women of good will who selflessly dedicated themselves to advance his reform cause. We admire their unflinching support of Senator Roxas and their graceful acceptance of his decision.
Senator Roxas has vindicated himself and his family legacy of service to the country. This is a shining moment for him and paves the way for a national campaign of redemption where reconciliation is made possible by justice and where leadership is about serving the people.
Thank you, Senator Mar, tonight you became a statesman. You are truly a servant leader. Mabuhay ka!
Senator Manuel Roxas II could not have said it better – country above self. The Black and White Movement salutes Senator Roxas for his statesmanship and selflessness. Senator Mar has demonstrated tonight that his ultimate objective is to be a servant leader by being prepared to follow even at the cost of his campaign to lead the country. We have not seen a leader sacrifice his or her political interests in this manner since Cory Aquino in 1985. This is a reminder for all of us that when country comes first, all other decisions and considerations easily follow.
“I can only imagine how agonizing it must have been for Senator Mar to make this difficult decision. He is blessed with a great sense of nation above self. I sincerely admire him and believe that the Filipino people feel the same way”, says lead convener Enteng Romano.
We are proud to count members of the Black and White Movement Council among the many men and women of good will who selflessly dedicated themselves to advance his reform cause. We admire their unflinching support of Senator Roxas and their graceful acceptance of his decision.
Senator Roxas has vindicated himself and his family legacy of service to the country. This is a shining moment for him and paves the way for a national campaign of redemption where reconciliation is made possible by justice and where leadership is about serving the people.
Thank you, Senator Mar, tonight you became a statesman. You are truly a servant leader. Mabuhay ka!
Saturday, August 01, 2009
CORY, Hindi Ka Nag-iisa!
The Black and White Movement joins the whole nation and the rest of the world in paying tribute to President Cory Aquino. Our hearts are broken, but the fervor she lit in our hearts will burn forever.
In life, she inspired us to rise above our despair and to regain our dignity as a people. She modeled a life of selfless giving – fighting alongside those who had less, and taking the cudgels for those who are helpless in seeking justice.
In death, she awakens us from our stupor of apathy, reminding us to be steadfast in fighting for what is right and just. And, even if only for a short moment, she unites our people towards the common aspiration for a just and prosperous motherland.
We grieve for her family, and we thank them for allowing us to love their mother, their patience as they shared her with us.
As President Cory meets her Creator, we can almost hear the good Lord declaring, “Well done, my good and faithful servant.” The Filipino people and citizens of the world can only say, “Amen!”
Buong bayan. Buong mundo. Nagpapapugay sa isang tunay na bayani!
Cory, Hindi ka nag-iisa.
In life, she inspired us to rise above our despair and to regain our dignity as a people. She modeled a life of selfless giving – fighting alongside those who had less, and taking the cudgels for those who are helpless in seeking justice.
In death, she awakens us from our stupor of apathy, reminding us to be steadfast in fighting for what is right and just. And, even if only for a short moment, she unites our people towards the common aspiration for a just and prosperous motherland.
We grieve for her family, and we thank them for allowing us to love their mother, their patience as they shared her with us.
As President Cory meets her Creator, we can almost hear the good Lord declaring, “Well done, my good and faithful servant.” The Filipino people and citizens of the world can only say, “Amen!”
Buong bayan. Buong mundo. Nagpapapugay sa isang tunay na bayani!
Cory, Hindi ka nag-iisa.
Tuesday, July 28, 2009
PRESIDENT CORAZON C. AQUINO - The State of the Nation Address 1991
Opening of the fifth Regular Session of the Congress of the Philippines
July 22, 1991
This is the last time I shall address you on such an occasion as this. Let us clear the air between us.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had opted for the “popular.”
I could have repudiated the foreign debt, won the passing praise of a greatly relieved people, and the lasting contempt of a devastated country.
I could have opted for outright hostility towards the international banking system and invited its retaliation. But the only result would have been to weaken the present democracy against the conspiracies of the former government with contracted the miserable debt in the first place. I would have taken the chance, if I were the only one at risk, but I had a country to take care of.
I could have called for an elected constitutional convention. Surveys showed that an elected convention was the popular choice to draft a new constitution. But I believed it was more important to draft a constitution and submit it for ratification in the shortest time possible, and hold elections immediately. The people and the army needed a full elected government and a constitution around which to rally in defense of freedom.
I could not afford the luxury of the popular by waiting out the endless deliberations of an elected convention, like the 1971 Constitutional Convention. And besides, what was so great about that experience? After a year of talk and scandal, the final draft was prepared in Malacañang, approved by the frightened Convention, and ratified in a fraudulent plebiscite.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had allowed the Executive to influence the decisions of constitutional commissions. I might have spared myself deep embarrassments by interfering with the judgments of the courts. But I uphold the independence of these bodies. I am convinced it is in all our best interest to respect an independence that may thwart the government’s will from time to time – but is yet our best assurance of justice when we will need justice most.
I firmly believe in the freedom of the press. And I accept the criticisms poured on me, painful as they are, as part and parcel of the hazards of public service, and conducive to its honest performance. True, I have sued for libel, but I did not use the power of the Presidency to advance my cause. And this is shown by the fact that four years later my case continues to drag on. I have not forgotten that what my husband wanted most in prison was for the public to hear the side of freedom, and no newspaper would print it.
I submitted myself to the judicial process as an ordinary citizen, and exposed myself to indignities a president should not endure. But I want to encourage people to seek redress in the law, despite the inconvenience, rather than in vindictiveness, which has no end. I want them to make the cause of justice for one, the cause of justice for all.
I have consoled myself that great men like Gandhi were not spared criticism either, but – regardless of it – he pursued the path he believed was true, mindful only of harmful effects on the people, but not of the consequences to him. He believed that God demands no less of us than that we follow our conscience. God will take care of the rest.
I could have done the popular thing in the last administration, and arranged a nicer retirement for myself. But my instructions to PNB, DBP, GSIS, SSS and Landbank were explicit: no behest loans, and no special favors whether to relative, friend or political supporter. This accounts for their sterling performance, for the unprecedented public faith in their competence and integrity, and for the incalculable contribution, particularly of PNB and the Landbank, to the development of cooperatives and the financing of small and medium enterprises, wherein lies the strongest hope of progress in these times.
We can roll back prices at the drop of a hat and spare ourselves al the aggravation, but we learned that hasty rollbacks exacted a heavier, long-term cost on the economy, and, ultimately, on the people, than they had saved.
I could have done any of the things calculated to win a passing popularity at home. I could have thrown away by so-called popular solutions the goodwill we have built up in financial circles by the strict performance of our obligations. This is the goodwill that accounts for the continued support extended to the Philippine Assistance Program. Anyway, most of the pledges to the PAP are redeemable in the next administration.
I could have said, “Let my successor be presented with the bill for my popularity today.” But it is the people who would pay the price, and I am not made that way.
I did not always adopt the ideal solutions proposed by those who have the luxury of contemplation. Government often had to do what pressing realities compelled it. And if the government sometimes lacked better choices, it never lacked the sincere desire to do good.
I could have promoted only military officers popular with the press, and ignored the experience of a democratic government that has been the principal military objective of the rebel forces and an insurgency that just doesn’t know when to quit. But I chose instead commanders of proven courage, leadership, and fidelity to the Constitution.
I could do the smart thing still, and do the things my opponents unfairly charge me of preparing – rigging the elections in 1992, the way I did not rig the ratification of the Constitution, the national elections, and the local elections. They way they rigged elections from 1969 to 1986. But my instructions to the military and police are explicit. Let them hear it again:
The right of the soldier and the policeman is merely to cast his vote; his greater and solemn obligation is to assure the right of others to cast their votes and get them honestly counted. No soldier has the right to combine with his comrades to campaign for a person or party and deliver to them a block of the military vote. No member of the military shall lend his name, prestige, and the influence of his position to anyone’s campaign. The same holds true for the police.
The military has earned the people’s trust as the spearhead of their liberation and the constant defender of their democracy. To these honors it is my aim to add the distinction of shepherding our democracy through its first political succession, by clean and peaceful elections.
I will not preside as Commander-in-Chief over the kind of military that cheated the opposition in 1978, and me in 1986. That would insult the memory of the man to whom I dedicate this last address to the joint houses of Congress, and stain the proud achievement of this nation in 1986.
I specifically charge AFP Chief of Staff General Lisandro Abadia and PNP Director General Cesar Nazareno with the responsibility to assure clean and honest elections. While they may not fear my displeasure because I will not be president then, they will face the judgement of the disappointed country.
Yes, I could have done all those things that win wide acclaim, exiting as grandly as any president could wish. But while my power as president ends in 1992, my responsibility as a Filipino for the well-being of my country goes beyond it to my grave. A great part of that responsibility is to do the best I can today, according to my best lights, while I have the power to do it.
As President, I have never prayed for anything for myself; only for our people. I have been called an international beggar by the military rebels. Begging does not become me, yet – perhaps – it is what I had to do. I could have kept my pride and held aloof, but that would not have helped our people. And it is for them that I was placed in this office.
Someone who will stand in this place next year, may do better for I believe in the inexhaustible giftedness of the Filipino people. I only hope that he will be someone who will sincerely mean you well.
I hope that history will judge me as favorably as our people still regard me, because, as God is my witness, I honestly did the best I could. No more can be asked of any man.
On June 30, 1992, the traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. The last time it was done that way was in 1965. I shall be there with you to proudly witness the event. This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.
Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat at paalam.
July 22, 1991
This is the last time I shall address you on such an occasion as this. Let us clear the air between us.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had opted for the “popular.”
I could have repudiated the foreign debt, won the passing praise of a greatly relieved people, and the lasting contempt of a devastated country.
I could have opted for outright hostility towards the international banking system and invited its retaliation. But the only result would have been to weaken the present democracy against the conspiracies of the former government with contracted the miserable debt in the first place. I would have taken the chance, if I were the only one at risk, but I had a country to take care of.
I could have called for an elected constitutional convention. Surveys showed that an elected convention was the popular choice to draft a new constitution. But I believed it was more important to draft a constitution and submit it for ratification in the shortest time possible, and hold elections immediately. The people and the army needed a full elected government and a constitution around which to rally in defense of freedom.
I could not afford the luxury of the popular by waiting out the endless deliberations of an elected convention, like the 1971 Constitutional Convention. And besides, what was so great about that experience? After a year of talk and scandal, the final draft was prepared in Malacañang, approved by the frightened Convention, and ratified in a fraudulent plebiscite.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had allowed the Executive to influence the decisions of constitutional commissions. I might have spared myself deep embarrassments by interfering with the judgments of the courts. But I uphold the independence of these bodies. I am convinced it is in all our best interest to respect an independence that may thwart the government’s will from time to time – but is yet our best assurance of justice when we will need justice most.
I firmly believe in the freedom of the press. And I accept the criticisms poured on me, painful as they are, as part and parcel of the hazards of public service, and conducive to its honest performance. True, I have sued for libel, but I did not use the power of the Presidency to advance my cause. And this is shown by the fact that four years later my case continues to drag on. I have not forgotten that what my husband wanted most in prison was for the public to hear the side of freedom, and no newspaper would print it.
I submitted myself to the judicial process as an ordinary citizen, and exposed myself to indignities a president should not endure. But I want to encourage people to seek redress in the law, despite the inconvenience, rather than in vindictiveness, which has no end. I want them to make the cause of justice for one, the cause of justice for all.
I have consoled myself that great men like Gandhi were not spared criticism either, but – regardless of it – he pursued the path he believed was true, mindful only of harmful effects on the people, but not of the consequences to him. He believed that God demands no less of us than that we follow our conscience. God will take care of the rest.
I could have done the popular thing in the last administration, and arranged a nicer retirement for myself. But my instructions to PNB, DBP, GSIS, SSS and Landbank were explicit: no behest loans, and no special favors whether to relative, friend or political supporter. This accounts for their sterling performance, for the unprecedented public faith in their competence and integrity, and for the incalculable contribution, particularly of PNB and the Landbank, to the development of cooperatives and the financing of small and medium enterprises, wherein lies the strongest hope of progress in these times.
We can roll back prices at the drop of a hat and spare ourselves al the aggravation, but we learned that hasty rollbacks exacted a heavier, long-term cost on the economy, and, ultimately, on the people, than they had saved.
I could have done any of the things calculated to win a passing popularity at home. I could have thrown away by so-called popular solutions the goodwill we have built up in financial circles by the strict performance of our obligations. This is the goodwill that accounts for the continued support extended to the Philippine Assistance Program. Anyway, most of the pledges to the PAP are redeemable in the next administration.
I could have said, “Let my successor be presented with the bill for my popularity today.” But it is the people who would pay the price, and I am not made that way.
I did not always adopt the ideal solutions proposed by those who have the luxury of contemplation. Government often had to do what pressing realities compelled it. And if the government sometimes lacked better choices, it never lacked the sincere desire to do good.
I could have promoted only military officers popular with the press, and ignored the experience of a democratic government that has been the principal military objective of the rebel forces and an insurgency that just doesn’t know when to quit. But I chose instead commanders of proven courage, leadership, and fidelity to the Constitution.
I could do the smart thing still, and do the things my opponents unfairly charge me of preparing – rigging the elections in 1992, the way I did not rig the ratification of the Constitution, the national elections, and the local elections. They way they rigged elections from 1969 to 1986. But my instructions to the military and police are explicit. Let them hear it again:
The right of the soldier and the policeman is merely to cast his vote; his greater and solemn obligation is to assure the right of others to cast their votes and get them honestly counted. No soldier has the right to combine with his comrades to campaign for a person or party and deliver to them a block of the military vote. No member of the military shall lend his name, prestige, and the influence of his position to anyone’s campaign. The same holds true for the police.
The military has earned the people’s trust as the spearhead of their liberation and the constant defender of their democracy. To these honors it is my aim to add the distinction of shepherding our democracy through its first political succession, by clean and peaceful elections.
I will not preside as Commander-in-Chief over the kind of military that cheated the opposition in 1978, and me in 1986. That would insult the memory of the man to whom I dedicate this last address to the joint houses of Congress, and stain the proud achievement of this nation in 1986.
I specifically charge AFP Chief of Staff General Lisandro Abadia and PNP Director General Cesar Nazareno with the responsibility to assure clean and honest elections. While they may not fear my displeasure because I will not be president then, they will face the judgement of the disappointed country.
Yes, I could have done all those things that win wide acclaim, exiting as grandly as any president could wish. But while my power as president ends in 1992, my responsibility as a Filipino for the well-being of my country goes beyond it to my grave. A great part of that responsibility is to do the best I can today, according to my best lights, while I have the power to do it.
As President, I have never prayed for anything for myself; only for our people. I have been called an international beggar by the military rebels. Begging does not become me, yet – perhaps – it is what I had to do. I could have kept my pride and held aloof, but that would not have helped our people. And it is for them that I was placed in this office.
Someone who will stand in this place next year, may do better for I believe in the inexhaustible giftedness of the Filipino people. I only hope that he will be someone who will sincerely mean you well.
I hope that history will judge me as favorably as our people still regard me, because, as God is my witness, I honestly did the best I could. No more can be asked of any man.
On June 30, 1992, the traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. The last time it was done that way was in 1965. I shall be there with you to proudly witness the event. This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.
Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat at paalam.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)