The Black and White Movement joins the whole nation and the rest of the world in paying tribute to President Cory Aquino. Our hearts are broken, but the fervor she lit in our hearts will burn forever.
In life, she inspired us to rise above our despair and to regain our dignity as a people. She modeled a life of selfless giving – fighting alongside those who had less, and taking the cudgels for those who are helpless in seeking justice.
In death, she awakens us from our stupor of apathy, reminding us to be steadfast in fighting for what is right and just. And, even if only for a short moment, she unites our people towards the common aspiration for a just and prosperous motherland.
We grieve for her family, and we thank them for allowing us to love their mother, their patience as they shared her with us.
As President Cory meets her Creator, we can almost hear the good Lord declaring, “Well done, my good and faithful servant.” The Filipino people and citizens of the world can only say, “Amen!”
Buong bayan. Buong mundo. Nagpapapugay sa isang tunay na bayani!
Cory, Hindi ka nag-iisa.
Saturday, August 01, 2009
Tuesday, July 28, 2009
PRESIDENT CORAZON C. AQUINO - The State of the Nation Address 1991
Opening of the fifth Regular Session of the Congress of the Philippines
July 22, 1991
This is the last time I shall address you on such an occasion as this. Let us clear the air between us.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had opted for the “popular.”
I could have repudiated the foreign debt, won the passing praise of a greatly relieved people, and the lasting contempt of a devastated country.
I could have opted for outright hostility towards the international banking system and invited its retaliation. But the only result would have been to weaken the present democracy against the conspiracies of the former government with contracted the miserable debt in the first place. I would have taken the chance, if I were the only one at risk, but I had a country to take care of.
I could have called for an elected constitutional convention. Surveys showed that an elected convention was the popular choice to draft a new constitution. But I believed it was more important to draft a constitution and submit it for ratification in the shortest time possible, and hold elections immediately. The people and the army needed a full elected government and a constitution around which to rally in defense of freedom.
I could not afford the luxury of the popular by waiting out the endless deliberations of an elected convention, like the 1971 Constitutional Convention. And besides, what was so great about that experience? After a year of talk and scandal, the final draft was prepared in Malacañang, approved by the frightened Convention, and ratified in a fraudulent plebiscite.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had allowed the Executive to influence the decisions of constitutional commissions. I might have spared myself deep embarrassments by interfering with the judgments of the courts. But I uphold the independence of these bodies. I am convinced it is in all our best interest to respect an independence that may thwart the government’s will from time to time – but is yet our best assurance of justice when we will need justice most.
I firmly believe in the freedom of the press. And I accept the criticisms poured on me, painful as they are, as part and parcel of the hazards of public service, and conducive to its honest performance. True, I have sued for libel, but I did not use the power of the Presidency to advance my cause. And this is shown by the fact that four years later my case continues to drag on. I have not forgotten that what my husband wanted most in prison was for the public to hear the side of freedom, and no newspaper would print it.
I submitted myself to the judicial process as an ordinary citizen, and exposed myself to indignities a president should not endure. But I want to encourage people to seek redress in the law, despite the inconvenience, rather than in vindictiveness, which has no end. I want them to make the cause of justice for one, the cause of justice for all.
I have consoled myself that great men like Gandhi were not spared criticism either, but – regardless of it – he pursued the path he believed was true, mindful only of harmful effects on the people, but not of the consequences to him. He believed that God demands no less of us than that we follow our conscience. God will take care of the rest.
I could have done the popular thing in the last administration, and arranged a nicer retirement for myself. But my instructions to PNB, DBP, GSIS, SSS and Landbank were explicit: no behest loans, and no special favors whether to relative, friend or political supporter. This accounts for their sterling performance, for the unprecedented public faith in their competence and integrity, and for the incalculable contribution, particularly of PNB and the Landbank, to the development of cooperatives and the financing of small and medium enterprises, wherein lies the strongest hope of progress in these times.
We can roll back prices at the drop of a hat and spare ourselves al the aggravation, but we learned that hasty rollbacks exacted a heavier, long-term cost on the economy, and, ultimately, on the people, than they had saved.
I could have done any of the things calculated to win a passing popularity at home. I could have thrown away by so-called popular solutions the goodwill we have built up in financial circles by the strict performance of our obligations. This is the goodwill that accounts for the continued support extended to the Philippine Assistance Program. Anyway, most of the pledges to the PAP are redeemable in the next administration.
I could have said, “Let my successor be presented with the bill for my popularity today.” But it is the people who would pay the price, and I am not made that way.
I did not always adopt the ideal solutions proposed by those who have the luxury of contemplation. Government often had to do what pressing realities compelled it. And if the government sometimes lacked better choices, it never lacked the sincere desire to do good.
I could have promoted only military officers popular with the press, and ignored the experience of a democratic government that has been the principal military objective of the rebel forces and an insurgency that just doesn’t know when to quit. But I chose instead commanders of proven courage, leadership, and fidelity to the Constitution.
I could do the smart thing still, and do the things my opponents unfairly charge me of preparing – rigging the elections in 1992, the way I did not rig the ratification of the Constitution, the national elections, and the local elections. They way they rigged elections from 1969 to 1986. But my instructions to the military and police are explicit. Let them hear it again:
The right of the soldier and the policeman is merely to cast his vote; his greater and solemn obligation is to assure the right of others to cast their votes and get them honestly counted. No soldier has the right to combine with his comrades to campaign for a person or party and deliver to them a block of the military vote. No member of the military shall lend his name, prestige, and the influence of his position to anyone’s campaign. The same holds true for the police.
The military has earned the people’s trust as the spearhead of their liberation and the constant defender of their democracy. To these honors it is my aim to add the distinction of shepherding our democracy through its first political succession, by clean and peaceful elections.
I will not preside as Commander-in-Chief over the kind of military that cheated the opposition in 1978, and me in 1986. That would insult the memory of the man to whom I dedicate this last address to the joint houses of Congress, and stain the proud achievement of this nation in 1986.
I specifically charge AFP Chief of Staff General Lisandro Abadia and PNP Director General Cesar Nazareno with the responsibility to assure clean and honest elections. While they may not fear my displeasure because I will not be president then, they will face the judgement of the disappointed country.
Yes, I could have done all those things that win wide acclaim, exiting as grandly as any president could wish. But while my power as president ends in 1992, my responsibility as a Filipino for the well-being of my country goes beyond it to my grave. A great part of that responsibility is to do the best I can today, according to my best lights, while I have the power to do it.
As President, I have never prayed for anything for myself; only for our people. I have been called an international beggar by the military rebels. Begging does not become me, yet – perhaps – it is what I had to do. I could have kept my pride and held aloof, but that would not have helped our people. And it is for them that I was placed in this office.
Someone who will stand in this place next year, may do better for I believe in the inexhaustible giftedness of the Filipino people. I only hope that he will be someone who will sincerely mean you well.
I hope that history will judge me as favorably as our people still regard me, because, as God is my witness, I honestly did the best I could. No more can be asked of any man.
On June 30, 1992, the traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. The last time it was done that way was in 1965. I shall be there with you to proudly witness the event. This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.
Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat at paalam.
July 22, 1991
This is the last time I shall address you on such an occasion as this. Let us clear the air between us.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had opted for the “popular.”
I could have repudiated the foreign debt, won the passing praise of a greatly relieved people, and the lasting contempt of a devastated country.
I could have opted for outright hostility towards the international banking system and invited its retaliation. But the only result would have been to weaken the present democracy against the conspiracies of the former government with contracted the miserable debt in the first place. I would have taken the chance, if I were the only one at risk, but I had a country to take care of.
I could have called for an elected constitutional convention. Surveys showed that an elected convention was the popular choice to draft a new constitution. But I believed it was more important to draft a constitution and submit it for ratification in the shortest time possible, and hold elections immediately. The people and the army needed a full elected government and a constitution around which to rally in defense of freedom.
I could not afford the luxury of the popular by waiting out the endless deliberations of an elected convention, like the 1971 Constitutional Convention. And besides, what was so great about that experience? After a year of talk and scandal, the final draft was prepared in Malacañang, approved by the frightened Convention, and ratified in a fraudulent plebiscite.
I could have made things easier for myself if I had allowed the Executive to influence the decisions of constitutional commissions. I might have spared myself deep embarrassments by interfering with the judgments of the courts. But I uphold the independence of these bodies. I am convinced it is in all our best interest to respect an independence that may thwart the government’s will from time to time – but is yet our best assurance of justice when we will need justice most.
I firmly believe in the freedom of the press. And I accept the criticisms poured on me, painful as they are, as part and parcel of the hazards of public service, and conducive to its honest performance. True, I have sued for libel, but I did not use the power of the Presidency to advance my cause. And this is shown by the fact that four years later my case continues to drag on. I have not forgotten that what my husband wanted most in prison was for the public to hear the side of freedom, and no newspaper would print it.
I submitted myself to the judicial process as an ordinary citizen, and exposed myself to indignities a president should not endure. But I want to encourage people to seek redress in the law, despite the inconvenience, rather than in vindictiveness, which has no end. I want them to make the cause of justice for one, the cause of justice for all.
I have consoled myself that great men like Gandhi were not spared criticism either, but – regardless of it – he pursued the path he believed was true, mindful only of harmful effects on the people, but not of the consequences to him. He believed that God demands no less of us than that we follow our conscience. God will take care of the rest.
I could have done the popular thing in the last administration, and arranged a nicer retirement for myself. But my instructions to PNB, DBP, GSIS, SSS and Landbank were explicit: no behest loans, and no special favors whether to relative, friend or political supporter. This accounts for their sterling performance, for the unprecedented public faith in their competence and integrity, and for the incalculable contribution, particularly of PNB and the Landbank, to the development of cooperatives and the financing of small and medium enterprises, wherein lies the strongest hope of progress in these times.
We can roll back prices at the drop of a hat and spare ourselves al the aggravation, but we learned that hasty rollbacks exacted a heavier, long-term cost on the economy, and, ultimately, on the people, than they had saved.
I could have done any of the things calculated to win a passing popularity at home. I could have thrown away by so-called popular solutions the goodwill we have built up in financial circles by the strict performance of our obligations. This is the goodwill that accounts for the continued support extended to the Philippine Assistance Program. Anyway, most of the pledges to the PAP are redeemable in the next administration.
I could have said, “Let my successor be presented with the bill for my popularity today.” But it is the people who would pay the price, and I am not made that way.
I did not always adopt the ideal solutions proposed by those who have the luxury of contemplation. Government often had to do what pressing realities compelled it. And if the government sometimes lacked better choices, it never lacked the sincere desire to do good.
I could have promoted only military officers popular with the press, and ignored the experience of a democratic government that has been the principal military objective of the rebel forces and an insurgency that just doesn’t know when to quit. But I chose instead commanders of proven courage, leadership, and fidelity to the Constitution.
I could do the smart thing still, and do the things my opponents unfairly charge me of preparing – rigging the elections in 1992, the way I did not rig the ratification of the Constitution, the national elections, and the local elections. They way they rigged elections from 1969 to 1986. But my instructions to the military and police are explicit. Let them hear it again:
The right of the soldier and the policeman is merely to cast his vote; his greater and solemn obligation is to assure the right of others to cast their votes and get them honestly counted. No soldier has the right to combine with his comrades to campaign for a person or party and deliver to them a block of the military vote. No member of the military shall lend his name, prestige, and the influence of his position to anyone’s campaign. The same holds true for the police.
The military has earned the people’s trust as the spearhead of their liberation and the constant defender of their democracy. To these honors it is my aim to add the distinction of shepherding our democracy through its first political succession, by clean and peaceful elections.
I will not preside as Commander-in-Chief over the kind of military that cheated the opposition in 1978, and me in 1986. That would insult the memory of the man to whom I dedicate this last address to the joint houses of Congress, and stain the proud achievement of this nation in 1986.
I specifically charge AFP Chief of Staff General Lisandro Abadia and PNP Director General Cesar Nazareno with the responsibility to assure clean and honest elections. While they may not fear my displeasure because I will not be president then, they will face the judgement of the disappointed country.
Yes, I could have done all those things that win wide acclaim, exiting as grandly as any president could wish. But while my power as president ends in 1992, my responsibility as a Filipino for the well-being of my country goes beyond it to my grave. A great part of that responsibility is to do the best I can today, according to my best lights, while I have the power to do it.
As President, I have never prayed for anything for myself; only for our people. I have been called an international beggar by the military rebels. Begging does not become me, yet – perhaps – it is what I had to do. I could have kept my pride and held aloof, but that would not have helped our people. And it is for them that I was placed in this office.
Someone who will stand in this place next year, may do better for I believe in the inexhaustible giftedness of the Filipino people. I only hope that he will be someone who will sincerely mean you well.
I hope that history will judge me as favorably as our people still regard me, because, as God is my witness, I honestly did the best I could. No more can be asked of any man.
On June 30, 1992, the traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. The last time it was done that way was in 1965. I shall be there with you to proudly witness the event. This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.
Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat at paalam.
Wednesday, June 24, 2009
Dismount
Straight from one of the proverbial horses on which Gloria rides to keep her comfortably on the saddle of power – Presidential Legal Counsel Raul Gonzalez opines that GMA will run for Congress to avoid accountability. He says threats from civil society and business groups to seek redress for her appalling lack of good governance could be too much for her to face. We thank the erstwhile Secretary of Justice for his candor. We now know why GMA allies in the HOR are hell bent on convening a constituent assembly without the Senate.
Following Gonzalez’s train of thought, the Black and White Movement posits the following - the HOR will convene as a constituent assembly, pray that the Supreme Court sees things its way, and once the Con-Ass is legitimized, immediately amend the form of government to a parliament. Aware of how election results may be compromised in favor of approval, it may not be long before we are saddled with the presence of Rep. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in a unicameral congress. Being at such close quarters to her congressional BFFs will make spreading her influence effortless. She could easily win the Speakership. From there, it’s a hop, skip and short legged jump to becoming Prime Minister.
News reports state that Supreme Court Associate Justice Minita Chico-Nazario has inhibited herself from handling the Resolution 1109 matter as brought on by Oliver Lozano. Not unlike the congressional affiliates of the LP, NP, and NPC that threaten to leave the HOR majority coalition if the Con-Ass would institute unpalatable changes to our charter, she is perceived not to be enthusiastic about handling such an unpopular case. It is heartening to know that the Supreme Court is still cognizant of its importance to our history.
The Senate stands united in its abhorrence for a constituent assembly. We hope this resistance continues and that none of its members defects to the “dark side”.
We sense our people’s hopelessness and distrust, hence the cynicism that no matter what we do, things will remain the same. However, if we allow the dire plans of this administration even minimum success, there will be no way for anyone to institute the reforms and renewal we so desperately need. We therefore commit to continuing our fight for justice, to calling for the 2010 presidential elections under the present constitution, to thwarting a dark future through a “Gloria Forever” scenario.
TindigNation!
STOP Cha Cha! Kick Con Ass! Now na!
Following Gonzalez’s train of thought, the Black and White Movement posits the following - the HOR will convene as a constituent assembly, pray that the Supreme Court sees things its way, and once the Con-Ass is legitimized, immediately amend the form of government to a parliament. Aware of how election results may be compromised in favor of approval, it may not be long before we are saddled with the presence of Rep. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in a unicameral congress. Being at such close quarters to her congressional BFFs will make spreading her influence effortless. She could easily win the Speakership. From there, it’s a hop, skip and short legged jump to becoming Prime Minister.
News reports state that Supreme Court Associate Justice Minita Chico-Nazario has inhibited herself from handling the Resolution 1109 matter as brought on by Oliver Lozano. Not unlike the congressional affiliates of the LP, NP, and NPC that threaten to leave the HOR majority coalition if the Con-Ass would institute unpalatable changes to our charter, she is perceived not to be enthusiastic about handling such an unpopular case. It is heartening to know that the Supreme Court is still cognizant of its importance to our history.
The Senate stands united in its abhorrence for a constituent assembly. We hope this resistance continues and that none of its members defects to the “dark side”.
We sense our people’s hopelessness and distrust, hence the cynicism that no matter what we do, things will remain the same. However, if we allow the dire plans of this administration even minimum success, there will be no way for anyone to institute the reforms and renewal we so desperately need. We therefore commit to continuing our fight for justice, to calling for the 2010 presidential elections under the present constitution, to thwarting a dark future through a “Gloria Forever” scenario.
TindigNation!
STOP Cha Cha! Kick Con Ass! Now na!
Wednesday, May 06, 2009
Jun Lozada in Hospital
We would like to thank Sr. Mary John Mananzan for this picture of Jun Lozada. Jun is currently resting quietly in the Medical Center Manila after experiencing shortness of breath last night. Doctors from MCM then examined him in his jail cell in MPD and had him transferred to MCM when they diagnosed him with dehydration and noticed a drop in his oxygen levels. He will remain in hospital to be re-hydrated and undergo more tests.
Please pray for the quick return to good health as well as the strength of his family in this trying time. Meanwhile, we are pushing through with a planned candle vigil in the area of MPD and MCM on UN Avenue tonight at 6pm. Please help spread the word.
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
Jun Lozada Arrested
Jun Lozada was arrested today. Tonight, he sleeps in the Manila Police Distict, his family is not with him. He was processed, finger printed, a mug shot was taken. This is what this government does to whistle blowers, truth crusaders.
Those of us that were with him begged that he not be placed in general population, at least for tonight. Jun didn't ask us to do this, we just couldn't help ourselves. We got to stay with him till 10:30.
As if to add insult to injury, Jun's wife, Violet, will be arraigned on a case filed by the cops against her, also for perjury. This is surreal.
Tonight, Mike Defensor flies to San Francisco with his family for a vacation. Tomorrow, Mike Arroyo will go to St. Luke's for therapy, Romy Neri will ride his BMW7 series to work, Ben Abalos will play golf in Wack Wack, Joc Joc Bolante will meet his supporters regarding his run for public office, Garci will probably be doing the same.
Where is the justice in all this?
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
JUN LOZADA ARREST - EXPRESS JUSTICE
It is amazing how the wheels of justice can move swiftly, and with impunity, when applied to GMA critics and oppositionists.
Two years ago today, 21 April, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo left her critically ill husband and flew (according to the Philippine Information Agency, “like a thief in the night”) to Boao, China. Her main purpose was to sign what we all know now as the ZTE-NBN contract. The ensuing scandal made whistle blowers Joey de Venecia, Jarius Bondoc, Romy Neri, and Dante Madriaga, household names. However, the most famous whistle blower of all connected to this drama is the man we fondly call JLo, Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada.
On 14 April, an arrest warrant was issued against Jun in connection to a perjury case filed by another household name, GMA “nino bonito” Mike Defensor. Defensor claims that he did not ask Jun to say no such kidnapping took place, and to swear that he, Jun, knew nothing about the ZTE-NBN deal. Although dismissed for lack of probable cause, another judge, Cicero D. Jurado Jr., upheld Defensor’s appeal and gave the go signal for an arrest on 19 March 2009. Any day now, we fear that Jun will be hauled off to jail for telling it “like it is”.
“We will not be surprised if the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee Report on the NBN/ZTE investigation will be released soon after Jun Lozada is convicted of the crime of perjury (which may take only a few weeks, given the administration's determination to pin down Lozada). We expect the report to clear GMA, the First Gentleman, and Benjamin Abalos. After all, they will argue, Jun Lozada lied. This seems to be the Palace script”, according to BnW Lead Convenor Enteng Romano.
To date, there are 16 civil and criminal cases filed against Jun Lozada and members of his family. These are in various stages of resolution. All of these charges were filed soon after he testified at senate hearings in February 2008. In contrast, the Ombudsman has yet to file cases against Benjamin Abalos and Jocjoc Bolante despite a preponderance of evidence.
“Crusaders of truth are hunted down, made to suffer while those that play the Gloria game enjoy high paying government positions, perks, and most of all, freedom”, says BnW Executive Director Leah Navarro, “Jun Lozada has been persecuted more than enough. He hasn’t been able to return home in over a year, work a decent job, or visit a mall with his family. Sure, he travels around the country doing speaking engagements, but he does this to stay alive. Jun hides in plain sight and is always in the company of the religious and armed bodyguards. That is not living.”
The Black and White Movement condemns this latest cheap shot by administration henchmen. We find it ironic that the very person who dared to stand for the truth is accused of lying by the very people who patently and routinely lie. Those who followed closely the Senate hearings can readily discern who is lying and who is telling the truth.
We denounce the continuing use of the agencies of justice by the GMA administration in persecuting its critics, particularly Jun Lozada, while at the same time delaying, if not perverting justice to protect its loyal allies.
We staunchly express our unequivocal support for Jun Lozada in his determined struggle to stand for the truth. We call on every Filipino who still values truth and decency to denounce in the strongest possible terms this travesty of justice.
In the end, our silence makes lies permissible. - END
Two years ago today, 21 April, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo left her critically ill husband and flew (according to the Philippine Information Agency, “like a thief in the night”) to Boao, China. Her main purpose was to sign what we all know now as the ZTE-NBN contract. The ensuing scandal made whistle blowers Joey de Venecia, Jarius Bondoc, Romy Neri, and Dante Madriaga, household names. However, the most famous whistle blower of all connected to this drama is the man we fondly call JLo, Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada.
On 14 April, an arrest warrant was issued against Jun in connection to a perjury case filed by another household name, GMA “nino bonito” Mike Defensor. Defensor claims that he did not ask Jun to say no such kidnapping took place, and to swear that he, Jun, knew nothing about the ZTE-NBN deal. Although dismissed for lack of probable cause, another judge, Cicero D. Jurado Jr., upheld Defensor’s appeal and gave the go signal for an arrest on 19 March 2009. Any day now, we fear that Jun will be hauled off to jail for telling it “like it is”.
“We will not be surprised if the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee Report on the NBN/ZTE investigation will be released soon after Jun Lozada is convicted of the crime of perjury (which may take only a few weeks, given the administration's determination to pin down Lozada). We expect the report to clear GMA, the First Gentleman, and Benjamin Abalos. After all, they will argue, Jun Lozada lied. This seems to be the Palace script”, according to BnW Lead Convenor Enteng Romano.
To date, there are 16 civil and criminal cases filed against Jun Lozada and members of his family. These are in various stages of resolution. All of these charges were filed soon after he testified at senate hearings in February 2008. In contrast, the Ombudsman has yet to file cases against Benjamin Abalos and Jocjoc Bolante despite a preponderance of evidence.
“Crusaders of truth are hunted down, made to suffer while those that play the Gloria game enjoy high paying government positions, perks, and most of all, freedom”, says BnW Executive Director Leah Navarro, “Jun Lozada has been persecuted more than enough. He hasn’t been able to return home in over a year, work a decent job, or visit a mall with his family. Sure, he travels around the country doing speaking engagements, but he does this to stay alive. Jun hides in plain sight and is always in the company of the religious and armed bodyguards. That is not living.”
The Black and White Movement condemns this latest cheap shot by administration henchmen. We find it ironic that the very person who dared to stand for the truth is accused of lying by the very people who patently and routinely lie. Those who followed closely the Senate hearings can readily discern who is lying and who is telling the truth.
We denounce the continuing use of the agencies of justice by the GMA administration in persecuting its critics, particularly Jun Lozada, while at the same time delaying, if not perverting justice to protect its loyal allies.
We staunchly express our unequivocal support for Jun Lozada in his determined struggle to stand for the truth. We call on every Filipino who still values truth and decency to denounce in the strongest possible terms this travesty of justice.
In the end, our silence makes lies permissible. - END
Wednesday, March 25, 2009
Cha Cha as Zarzuela
We are in the midst of another zarzuela. The resolution of Rep. Louis Villafuerte seeks to waylay us and hide its true intent through the provision prohibiting term extensions. There will be no need for term extension because we will indeed have elections in 2010. The Constituent Assembly he so ardently wants will ensure the transformation to a parliamentary form of government, and so the elections we will have in 2010 will be held to elect members of parliament.
Imagine this nightmare – the new parliament opens its first session on 30 June 2010, and sitting happily inside the Batasan is the newly elected Representative from Lubao, Pamapanga, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.
The Black and White Movement reiterates its position clearly – we will not stand for any further desecration of our democratic rights. This blatant move by the House of Representatives to give GMA immunity from accountability adds insult to injury. Let us not forget that she, of all presidents, is the least trusted and loved. We demand our right to have 2010 presidential elections so that we can rid our country of this most unloved of leaders and finally make a move toward positive, meaningful change. Remember, GMA has lied before, and who is to say that she will not invoke divine providence again to justify her pernicious hold on power?
How much more evidence do we need to prove that GMA’s political allies in the House just don’t get the real meaning of politics - the combination of active citizenship and accountable leadership. They have instead initiated moves to save themselves the hassle of good governance.
We have said it before and we say it again – STOP Cha Cha! Ibasura ang Cha Cha! Now na!
Imagine this nightmare – the new parliament opens its first session on 30 June 2010, and sitting happily inside the Batasan is the newly elected Representative from Lubao, Pamapanga, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.
The Black and White Movement reiterates its position clearly – we will not stand for any further desecration of our democratic rights. This blatant move by the House of Representatives to give GMA immunity from accountability adds insult to injury. Let us not forget that she, of all presidents, is the least trusted and loved. We demand our right to have 2010 presidential elections so that we can rid our country of this most unloved of leaders and finally make a move toward positive, meaningful change. Remember, GMA has lied before, and who is to say that she will not invoke divine providence again to justify her pernicious hold on power?
How much more evidence do we need to prove that GMA’s political allies in the House just don’t get the real meaning of politics - the combination of active citizenship and accountable leadership. They have instead initiated moves to save themselves the hassle of good governance.
We have said it before and we say it again – STOP Cha Cha! Ibasura ang Cha Cha! Now na!
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